PURITY Correctional Camp

PURITY is a facility that prides itself on relieving teens of their homosexual urges, and like it or not, you're now a part of this program. Will you resist, or try to change yourself? Either way, it's certainly not going to be a typical camp experience.

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Microsoft Surface tablets: the differences between Windows RT and Windows 8 Pro models

Surfaces. Turns out, the plural form of Microsoft's new tablet range rolls off of the tongue with ease, but understanding the differences between the first two models may not be quite as easy -- particularly for the everyman, or folks intimately familiar with Microsoft's other Surface. Two editions -- Surface for Windows RT and Surface for Windows 8 Pro -- were unveiled today in Los Angeles, and while the exterior of each one looks nearly identical, the innards expose major differences in architecture. Let's break it all down after the break, shall we?

Gallery: Microsoft Surface Glamour Shots

Continue reading Microsoft Surface tablets: the differences between Windows RT and Windows 8 Pro models

Microsoft Surface tablets: the differences between Windows RT and Windows 8 Pro models originally appeared on Engadget on Mon, 18 Jun 2012 20:14:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds.

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Beijing Mushroom Cloud: Not Armageddon, Just Nature

An enormous mushroom cloud over Beijing, China late last week, sparked fears that some kind of cataclysmic, Armageddon-like event was underway.

Turns out it was just nature at work.

The giant cumulonimbus cloud formation spanned several miles. Accompanied by late day lightning, it swallowed up the capital's skyline for an hour.

Photographers and videographers documented the ominous-looking formation, which gradually took the shape of an atomic bomb. Take a look below:

Beijing Mushroom Cloud

According to the National Center for Atmospheric Research, a giant cumulonimbus is a thunderstorm cloud that "resembles the head of a cauliflower."

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Brotherhood claims victory in Egypt president vote

CAIRO (AP) ? The Muslim Brotherhood declared early Monday that its candidate, Mohammed Morsi, won Egypt's presidential election, even as the military handed themselves the lion's share of power over the new president, enshrining their hold on the state and sharpening the possibility of confrontation with the Islamists.

With parliament dissolved and martial law effectively in force, the generals made themselves the country's lawmakers, gave themselves control over the budget and will determine who writes the permanent constitution that will define the country's future.

But as they claimed victory over Hosni Mubarak's last prime minister Ahmed Shafiq in the election, the Brotherhood challenged the military's power grab. The group warned that it did not recognize the dissolution of parliament or the military's interim constitution ? or its right to oversee the drafting of a new one.

That pointed to a potential struggle over spheres of authority between Egypt's two strongest forces. The Brotherhood has campaigned on a platform of bringing Egypt closer to a form of Islamic rule, but the military's grip puts it in a position to block that. Instead any conflict would likely center on more basic questions of power.

At a pre-dawn press conference Monday declaring their win, officials from the fundamentalist group that was banned for decades and repeatedly subjected to crackdowns under Mubarak's rule were ebullient and smiling, as supporters chanted, "Down with military rule."

"Thank God who guided the people of Egypt to this right path, the path of freedom and democracy," Morsi told the crowd at his campaign headquarters in his first appearance since the victory claim. He promised to "to Egypt in all its factions, Muslims and Christians" to "be a president for all Egyptians ... a servant to them" and seek a "civil, democratic, constitutional and modern state."

Final official results are not expected until Thursday. The Brotherhood's declaration was based on results announced by election officials at individual counting centers, where each campaign has representatives who compile the numbers and make them public before the formal announcement. The Brotherhood's early, partial counts proved generally accurate in last month's first round vote.

The group said Morsi took 51.8 percent of the vote to Shafiq's 48.1 percent out of 24.6 million votes cast, with 98 percent of the more than 13,000 poll centers counted.

Morsi "is the first civilian, popularly elected Egyptian president," the group proclaimed on its website. There was no immediate comment from the Shafiq campaign.

The question now will be how a Brotherhood president will get along with the military generals who have ruled since Mubarak fell on Feb. 11, 2011 and who will still hold powers that can potentially paralyze Morsi. The Brotherhood has reached accommodations with the generals at times over the past 16 months, as it struck deals with Mubarak's regime itself ? gaining it a reputation among critics as willing to sell out for a taste of authority.

But after a highly polarized presidential election and the miltary's arrogation of powers to itself, the Brotherhood presented itself as willing to get into a confrontation with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the body of top generals headed by Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's defense minister for 20 years.

Just before the election, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has ruled since Mubarak's fall, slapped de facto martial law on the country, giving military police and intelligence agents the right to arrest civilians for a host of suspected crimes, some as secondary as obstructing traffic. Then came Thursday's ruling by the Supreme Constitutional Court dissolving parliament, followed by the interim constitution declaration just after polls closed Sunday following two days of voting.

According to a copy of the document obtained by The Associated Press, the generals would be the nation's legislators and control the budget. They also will name the 100-member panel tasked with drafting a new constitution, thus ensuring the new charter would guarantee them a say in key policies like defense and national security as well as shield their vast economic empire from civilian scrutiny.

The president will be able to appoint a Cabinet and approve or reject laws.

Under the document, new parliament elections will not be held until a new constitution is approved, meaning an election in December at the earliest. In the constitution-writing process, the military can object over any articles and the Supreme Constitutional Court ? which is made up of Mubarak-era appointees ? will have final say over any disputes.

Earlier Sunday, the Brotherhood's speaker of parliament Saad el-Katatni met with the deputy head of the military council, Chief of Staff Gen. Sami Anan and told him the group does not recognize the dissolution of parliament, according to a Brotherhood statement that pointedly referred to el-Katatni by his title.

El-Katatni insisted the military could not issue an interim constitution and that the constituent assembly formed last week would meet in the "coming hours" to go ahead with its work in writing the permanent charter.

Still, the Brotherhood has no power to force recognition of the parliament-created constituent assembly, which already seems discounted after parliament's dissolution and is likely to be formally disbanded by a pending court ruling. Lawmakers are literally locked out of parliament, which is ringed by troops.

The generals, mostly in their 60s and 70s, owe their ranks to the patronage of Mubarak. All along, activists from the pro-democracy youth groups that engineered the anti-Mubarak uprising questioned the generals' will to hand over power, arguing that after 60 years of direct or behind-the-scenes domination, the military was unlikely to voluntarily relinquish its perks.

The presidential race was a bitter one.

Shafiq, a former air force commander and an admirer and longtime friend of Mubarak, was seen by opponents as an extension of the old regime that millions sought to uproot when they staged a stunning uprising that toppled the man who ruled Egypt for three decades.

Morsi's opponents, in turn, feared that if he wins, the Brotherhood will take over the nation and turn it into an Islamic state, curbing freedoms and consigning minority Christians and women to second-class citizens.

Trying to rally the public in the last hours of voting, the Brotherhood presented a Morsi presidency as the last hope to prevent total control by the military council of Mubarak-era generals.

"We got rid of one devil and got 19," said Mohammed Kanouna, referring to Mubarak and the members of the military council as he voted for Morsi after night fell in Cairo's Dar el-Salam slum. "We have to let them know there is a will of the people above their will."

But the prospect that the generals will still hold most power even after their nominal handover of authority to civilians by July 1 has deepened the gloom, leaving some feeling the vote was essentially meaningless.

"Things have not changed at all. It is as if the revolution never happened," Ayat Maher, a 28-year-old mother of three, said as she waited for her husband to vote in Cairo's central Abdeen district. She said she voted for Morsi, but did not think there was much hope for him.

"The same people are running the country. The same oppression and the same sense of enslavement. They still hold the keys to everything."

___

AP correspondents Hamza Hendawi and Maggie Michael contributed to this report.

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Incoming Hong Kong leader in tribute to China dissident

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How to convince climate sceptics to be pro-environment

Climate change might eventually cause millions of deaths and all kinds of natural disasters. But don't tell that to a climate-change sceptic if you want them to do anything about it.

Instead, focus on how mitigation efforts can help people become more warm and caring towards others or how it can promote economic and technological development. That's the advice psychologists give after confirming the strategy in an experiment.

"I got the idea from mediation. When people have disputes there's not much point convincing one party that they're wrong," says study leader Paul Bain, a psychologist at the University of Queensland in Brisbane, Australia.

Bain and colleagues first took 155 climate-change sceptics and asked them how their country ? Australia ? would be different in 2050 if action were taken now to mitigate climate change, and how likely they would be to engage in pro-environmental activity.

Those sceptics who thought action on climate change would make people more warm and considerate, or would promote technological or political development, were more likely to have pro-environmental intentions, such as voting for green candidates or signing petitions supporting action.

One participant wrote that "if we took action it would show we do care for the environment and therefore care for the human race".

Bain then went on to test whether telling sceptics about these "co-benefits" of climate change could affect their intentions more than telling them about the harms of inaction.

He found it did. Participants who were told about climate action's effects on interpersonal warmth or societal development were more likely to report pro-environmental intentions than those told about the health risks of climate inaction.

Earlier research has shown that scientific evidence is unlikely to convince sceptics of the reality of climate change, and that arguments focusing on negative consequences are less successful than positively framed rationales.

"The authors basically took the baton from previous researchers and ran another really strong lap," says Dan Kahan, a psychologist at Yale Law School.

Robert Gifford, a psychologist at the University of Victoria in British Columbia, Canada, who has done pioneering work on the psychology of climate change, says the study suggests arguments that could help with climate campaigns. But it will be important to see if the intentions demonstrated in the study can be translated into action, he says.

Journal reference: Nature Climate Change, DOI: 10.1038/nclimate1532

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Wildfire destroys most homes in Colo. history

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